9:45 AM
Last day of the conference. Everyone looks like they had a late night. I should probably learn the public transportation system for the city I’ve lived in the last ten years. Every time I’m asked where the train station is, I have to stumble through my iPhone. I’m alone in a conference room waiting for Marxism and the Future Socialist Society, a “beginners” session. Last night I was reading Kolakowski’s Main Currents of Marxism, conveniently a section about historical materialism. He raises one main objection, that if we take the theory literally and believe that every moment of history is determined by the level of development of productive forces, it is invalidated by experience, and if we take it generally by saying that productive forces are but one factor among many that determine merely broad trends, the theory is trivial. Yet he admits that our propensity to analyze historical developments in light of the communities in which they arose is largely due to Marx’s influence. So, a theory that today continues to determine how we view the past is trivial?
11:45 AM
Lively discussion around the future socialist society. I asked some questions, but still don’t feel as though I got answers. There were the usual statistics – the top 20% purchase 76.6% of products, while the bottom 20% account for 1.8% or thereabouts – but I mentioned that it must be remembered that socialism is not simply taking from the rich and giving to the poor. If that were so, then the Tea Party would be on to something about Obama’s socialism. This comment raised some snickers, since Obama hasn’t redistributed wealth to any appreciable degree. However, I stand by my remark, as he has consistently supported raising taxes on the wealthy. Just because he hasn’t been able to implement these policies doesn’t mean he doesn’t think they are the right thing to do.
Final Thoughts
I came to this conference in hopes of having some basic (or so I thought) questions answered. To that end, I don’t feel that my participation was a success. In my view, an ideology that hopes to remake the entire world is a dangerous thing in the hands of those who have a half-baked understanding of it. But I leave these questions here, and if I find the solutions, I’ll be sure to follow up.
1. Socialism tends not to offer a blueprint of the future organization of society. The belief is that working people, once given the chance, are able to democratically choose their own path. In my understanding, this principle is based on Marx’s philosophical theory that, once labor is no longer alienated from the laborer, the desires of the individual and the desires of the community will become one and the same. I stress that this is a philosophical, not a scientific theory. What proof do we have? If we’re trying to convince a majority of workers that by the very act of overthrowing capitalism, they are changing themselves in such a way as to enable that class to rule more effectively than the owners, we better have some evidence that that is the case. One group of workers co-opting a factory in a capitalist society does not a revolution make.
2. Marx seems to have expressly opposed the division of labor. I quote from Kolakowski:
In The German Ideology the root of all evil is the division of labour, private property being once again a secondary phenomenon. It should not be supposed, however, that the ‘division of labour’ is only a more precise formulation of the rather vague term ‘alienation’. Marx’s view is that the division of labour consequent on the the improvement of tools is the first source of the alienating process and, through it, of private property. This happens because the division of labour leads necessarily to commerce, i.e. the transformation of objects produced by man into vehicles of abstract exchange-value.
How is all the technology created under capitalism to be used without relying on the division of labor?
3. Reference is often made to so-called ‘primitive communist societies,’ which predate capitalism and are organized around communal property. Which societies are these? Can it be demonstrated that these societies were not merely oppressive in other ways, for example the rule of the strong?
4. What examples can we provide of true socialist organization (as opposed to social-democratic reformism, for example) that succeeded in the long-term? If we continue to cite as proof of socialist viability the Paris Commune, eliminated after two months, or the Bolshevik Revolution, poisoned within 6 years by Stalin, how is this different from Republican promises that tax cuts create jobs, despite the fact that evidence speaks to the contrary? If every failure of the implementation can be explained away, an argument against the system seems impossible, meaning that an argument for it is meaningless.
5. The dictatorship of the proletariat exists in order to make itself unnecessary. It should protect the interests of the worker until class division is eliminated, at which point it can whither away. This means that, just after the revolution, the dictatorship is necessary. How does the transition occur from believing a state necessary to believing it no longer needed? Many revolutionaries have installed ‘temporary’ regimes that never went away. What is to stop this from happening under socialism?
I want to stress that I am not arguing against socialism with the above questions. I simply think it is important to answer the practical questions before they are raised and we are caught unprepared.